Racist Riots in the UK: Where They Came From and How to Fight Them

In the span of just a few weeks, the reality of the danger of the far-right exploded back into popular consciousness. From riots across the UK, to the thousands of Tommy Robinson supporters marching through London in late July, it’s clear that the racist thugs of the far-right are feeling energised. This, plus the surge of Reform UK, coming in third in overall votes in the general election, represents a clear warning to the entire multi-racial, multi-gendered working class. That warning is that unless the workers’ movement takes a lead in confronting the right wing and the conditions that allow their toxic ideas to fester, their forces can grow.

It’s undoubtedly true that the most extreme factions of the right are still alienating to the overwhelming mass of British people. Despite the almost 4.1 million votes for Reform in the general election, the far-right riots and demonstrations number only a small fraction in comparison. This reflects previous analysis put forward by Socialist Alternative that the Reform surge, while ominous, does not on the whole reflect a hardened mass, reactionary base. Mirroring the growth of the populist right in other countries, a large section of the Reform vote was driven by a distorted anti-establishment mood, which was filled by the right because of no clear left-wing alternative.

However, it’s clear that the far-right has been emboldened by the Reform surge, the culture wars and the atmosphere created by the general rightward lurch of the entire political establishment in reference to issues like migration. This is compounded by an increase in New Cold War-linked nationalism. The longer the vacuum of anti-establishment political organisation remains unfilled by a new and genuine left-wing, working-class party, the more the right can take advantage and the potential exists for the far-right core within it to expand. This is a key lesson from the US and France.

Covid Fuels the Right

The Covid era played a big role in expanding the social base for far-right ideas. The complete exposure of the flaws of global capitalism as the virus surged, combined with government-enforced lockdowns in many countries, led some to conclude that the very same people potentially responsible for the pandemic were now trying to exercise dictatorial-like control over the population on very dubious grounds. A high level of panic, confusion and fear reigned throughout society.

This only exacerbated the already high level of distrust in capitalist institutions and political parties. Despite the potential to do so, the left was generally unable to capitalise on this. With the majority of people isolated at home while key workers kept society from collapsing, people became subject to all sorts of online vitriol and conspiracy theories. These included narratives about the supposed ‘real reasons’ for the vaccination drive: to insert microchips for monitoring the population, to alter our DNA, and so on. Combined with a government that had no idea what it was doing, the idea that the elites had somehow intentionally manufactured the situation to assert control gained a larger echo for many.

Political Establishment is Guilty

While such ‘theories’ have little to no basis in reality, it is not a conspiracy to say that the political establishment has created the environment for the current riots. The emphasis on the so-called ‘small boats crisis’ by the major parties has successfully shifted the perception of responsibility for the cost of living crisis, NHS collapse and housing unaffordability away from themselves — the true culprits — onto immigrants and refugees.

Their crimes continue when these very same politicians then try to discourage working people from mobilising against the far-right — to simply ‘let the police handle it’. For instance, in early August, Labour MP for Walthamstow Stella Creasy actively encouraged people not to attend the 10,000 strong anti-racist demonstration, saying that it should be left to the police. This did not prevent her from trying to claim credit afterwards. Meanwhile the ‘Labour Local Government Team’ sent messages out to its councillors telling them not to attend the counter-protests — a continuation of the policy which also previously banned MPs and candidates from attending picket lines and Gaza demonstrations under penalty of reprisal.

Luckily, the instinct towards solidarity among the working class overcame this attempt to demobilise and undermine the demonstrations, which overwhelmed and dispersed the far-right, putting a stop in the short term to the far-right riots.

Power of the Working Class and Political Organisation

Despite the strengthening of the right under Covid, the period from the end of 2021 was defined by working-class struggle. The historic strike wave was in part bred by the Covid crisis, which revealed to millions that it was the working class that kept society running — not bankers, CEOs and the like. This recognition spread beyond just trade union members into the wider working class, reflected in the popularity of the Enough is Enough campaign, which within a matter of weeks 700,000 people signed up to support. With the organised working class in struggle on this scale against the capitalists and government, it changed the entire dynamic in society. The right wing’s gains were cut across for a whole period, as the workers’ movement was able to mobilise broader support.

However the strike wave was unfortunately cut short. The potential for Enough is Enough to develop into a wider political vehicle of the working class was intentionally scuppered by the trade union bureaucracy — the likes of Mick Lynch (RMT), Dave Ward (CWU) and Jo Grady (UCU) — who feared the possibility of it developing into something beyond their control. The continued lack of a genuine organised political expression for the working class and youth in the context of a desperate yearning for an alternative to the capitalist political status quo has left room for right-populism and the far-right.

The rise of the far-right is not at all a finished process. It is clear that a certain minority section of society has decisively become entrenched in these reactionary ideas and the potential for that to grow looms. But there is still space for the left to cut across this. For instance, the coming together of the anti-war independents in Parliament including Corbyn into a left bloc could demonstrate the potential that exists for what is needed, which is a new left party of struggle based on socialist policies.

What strategy is needed?

The call from the establishment for more policing will ultimately do nothing to stem the tide. It was not the police who stopped the riots, but rather the mobilisation of working class communities. We cannot expect the same predatory institution that criminalises and abuses people of color, women, LGBTQ+ people, workers and the poor to turn towards protecting us in a time of crisis. While some individual police officers may be drawn from the working class and genuinely want to keep our communities safe, the institution itself is a rotten breeding ground for reactionary ideas and behavior, as shown in the multiple revelations around the Met. This reflects the fundamental role of the police under capitalism, which is to serve and protect the racist, sexist capitalist system as a whole.

The workers movement — in particular the trade unions — have a critical role in pushing the right wing off the streets and have done so effectively historically. But what does that look like? The current approach of the union leaderships unfortunately tends to be one of avoiding directly taking up the struggle against racist division. As a substitute for a serious mobilisation of union members, they tend to simply ‘outsource’ anti-racist campaigning to organisations like Stand Up to Racism. By sticking their logo on posters and providing a few speakers, this is presented as the unions ‘doing something’. To be clear, Socialist Alternative supports and participates in these demonstrations, but they are nowhere near enough to defeat the far-right. They only tap into a small part of the potential that exists for building an anti-racist movement if the unions campaigned and mobilised directly.

Trade unions have much wider reach and authority, holding millions of workers within their ranks. Even a fraction of this put into action would not just increase protest numbers, but also demonstrate the enormous social weight of the working class in society. Linked to a political program taking up the far-right and asserting the independent interests and demands of the working class, it could draw hundreds of thousands, if not millions into the struggle. This would mean fighting not just against racism and the far-right, but for a fundamental change in society in favour of workers’ interests. Hundreds of trade unionists have already seen the potential for this and have signed a petition calling on the unions to lead a national march against racism, division and Islamophobia.

International developments

The rise of the right is not isolated to Britain. This is an international phenomenon. Despite their nationalistic rhetoric, the right wing is more internationally coordinated than ever. Should Donald Trump win the US Presidential election in November, the far-right worldwide will rejoice with their ideas seemingly succeeding in one of the biggest imperialist powers in the world. This could translate into another round of far-right mobilisations, perhaps even wider and more intense than before.

Therefore the question of building a fighting anti-racist movement and a new left party of struggle are more urgent than ever. Coming months will have a deep impact on the direction of the UK over a whole historical period. The workers’ movement must answer the call.